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GREED
IS DESTROYING OUR HERITAGE -
Heritage views are fast disappearing from villages as councils scramble to give developers free reign in return
for more rates to bolster their coffers, despite the fact that we are in
the middle of a climate emergency. Such councils and the developers
taking advantage of them are nothing short of climate criminals in the
view of country lovers and history buffs. Charles Church Developments
Limited shares the same registered office as Persimmon plc. Potentially
raising questions as to water pollution, stemming from their conviction
in Wales around 2021, when they were fined something like £433,000
in Newport Magistrates.
THE FORGOTTEN POWERHOUSE: HOW A WORLD-CLASS HERTAGE SITE WAS OVERLOOKED IN THE RUSH FOR EXECUTUVE HOMES
By our investigate team
On the edge of the quiet East Sussex village of Herstmonceux, tucked behind hedgerows and
ageing trees, sits a relic of Britain’s industrial ingenuity. It is not signposted. It does not appear on the parish council’s website. Most residents have never been told it exists.
Yet this unassuming brick building — the oldest surviving electricity generating station in Europe, complete with Victorian battery
load-levelling technology decades ahead of its time — should, by any reasonable measure, be a protected national treasure. Some experts argue it may even qualify for
UNESCO World Heritage status.
Instead, it has been quietly sidelined.
And in its place, a 70-home executive estate has risen on the greenfield that once fed the ancient well supplying the generating station. The development was approved by Wealden District Council despite
long-standing planning policies that normally prohibit building on such land unless it delivers
genuinely affordable housing, in exceptional circumstances. These homes do not.
To understand how this happened, you have to follow a trail of omissions, overlooked duties, and local connections that raise uncomfortable questions about how planning decisions are made — and whose interests they serve.
A HERITAGE ASSET HIDING IN PLAIN SIGHT
The generating station in Lime Park is the kind of site that heritage officers dream of: intact, historically significant, and technologically unique. It tells the story of early rural electrification, of Victorian engineering ambition, and of a community that once powered itself long before the
national grid existed.
Under normal circumstances, any development affecting such a site would trigger mandatory consultation with Historic England and the Department for Culture, Media and Sport. UNESCO’s UK committee would likely be informed. Archaeologists would be called in. Hydrologists would assess the ancient well.
None of that happened.
Wealden District Council approved the development without consulting the statutory heritage bodies. No heritage impact assessment was commissioned. No mention of the generating station appeared in the planning officer’s report. The parish council’s website — which lists local assets ranging from churches to bus shelters — makes no reference to it at all.
For a site of this calibre, the silence is deafening.
THE GREENFIELD THAT BECAME A GOLDMINE
The field chosen for development had long been considered unsuitable for housing. It lay outside the village boundary, on land that helped recharge the well feeding the generating station. Local plans designated it as countryside. Policies restricted development unless it delivered affordable homes.
Yet in 2015, the land was suddenly reimagined as a prime location for 70 executive houses built by Clarion,
Persimmon and
Charles Church — some of the UK’s largest developers.
WHY THE CHANGE?
One explanation lies in the financial incentives. A development of this scale brings in:
- Significant Community Infrastructure Levy (CIL) payments
- Dozens of new council tax accounts in higher bands
- Long-term revenue streams for a cash-strapped district council
Self-build plots, by contrast, generate no CIL and typically fall into lower tax bands. Heritage protection generates no revenue at all.
In a district under financial pressure, the choice between a heritage-led conservation zone and a lucrative executive estate is not a neutral one.
LOCAL CONNECTION AND UNCOMFORTABLE QUESTIONS
The land belonged to Tim Watson, a former auctioneer in Heathfield. Two
long-standing residents allege that he once worked with the chair of Wealden’s Area Plans South committee — the very committee that approved the development. Mr Watson is also said to be related to a parish councillor.
These are allegations, not proven facts. But they raise legitimate questions about transparency and conflicts of interest.
Under the Nolan Principles and the Localism Act, councillors must declare any personal or financial interests that could influence their decisions. Even the appearance of bias is enough to require recusal.
No such declarations were made.
To be clear: there is no evidence of wrongdoing. But the absence of transparency, combined with the extraordinary heritage omissions, has fuelled local suspicion.
A PATTERN, NOT AN ACCIDENT
What happened in
Herstmonceux is not an isolated anomaly. Across the country, councils under financial strain are increasingly dependent on developer contributions and council tax revenue. Heritage assets, especially those not yet formally listed, are often treated as obstacles rather than responsibilities.
In this case, the incentives aligned neatly:
- A greenfield site that could be transformed into a revenue-generating estate
- A heritage asset that, if properly acknowledged, would have blocked the development
- Local connections that eased the path
- A parish council that said nothing
- A district council that consulted no statutory heritage bodies
- A planning committee that approved the scheme despite policy barriers
The result is a development that should never have been approved under normal planning principles — and a heritage site left vulnerable, unprotected, and largely unknown.
THE COST OF SILENCE
The generating station still stands, but its context has been irrevocably altered. The ancient well that fed it has been disrupted. The greenfield buffer that once protected it is
set to become a cul-de-sac of executive homes. The opportunity to celebrate a
world-class industrial heritage asset has been lost — perhaps permanently.
For residents, the episode has become a symbol of something larger: a planning system where financial incentives outweigh cultural duty, where heritage is ignored when inconvenient, and where local connections can appear to smooth the path for development.
Whether or not any rules were broken, the public trust has been damaged.
And in the quiet of Lime Park, the old generating station — a monument to innovation — remains unlisted, uncelebrated, and almost forgotten.
NON
DISCLOSURE AGREEMENTS
In
Wealden, officers of the council and
councillors, routinely
fail to report crimes to the appropriate authorities, or
blow the whistle, it is alleged. The allegation continues, Councillors are forced to sign a Non
Disclosure Agreement, to silence them in return for their expenses. This agreement
preventing them from performing the function they were elected to, and
blowing the whistle. They
were elected to represent and serve the public. That is what Council
Taxes are charged for (Rates). But in many cases councils and
councillors are not providing
these services. Thus, as per the Consumer Protection Act
2015, residents
so affected may lawfully claim back monies paid, for the years in which
those services were not provided. See section 24 of the Act.
This
wall of forced silence, and failure to respond to persons they have
wronged over the years, is much the same as the Post
Office, in the Horizon prosecutions scandal. Where the
Post Office could do no wrong. So allowed 900 sub-postmasters to be
wrongfully prosecuted and many imprisoned. This has been going on in Wealden
for far longer.
A
series of outstanding crimes [using their own
rules] were reported to Wealden in 1997, firstly
by way of a Petition, and secondly by referral from Lord Richard Newton
to Sussex police, that remain to be investigated. Sussex
police are part paid for by council taxes, hence were not the proper
authority at the time. Since there was a conflict of interest. But, in
1997 none of the complainants knew about R v Sussex Justices
ex-parte
McCarthy 1924 KBD. This is common law that prevented Lord Newton (who it
is alleged) knew of the conflict, but still followed the advice of the
controlling minds of this council: Ian
Kay and Derek Holness, to do a deal with Sussex police to whitewash the
whole thing. This is a serious allegation.

CHARLES
CHURCH & PERSIMMON
HOMES - The approval of seventy houses on a long-standing dog walking field in or between 2014 and 2018, near a key regional road (the A271), has drawn intense scrutiny. While residents initially raised standard objections regarding the loss of green space, a deeper investigation into the planning process reveals a series of critical regulatory and ethical failures that cumulatively raise serious questions about the validity of the final planning consent.
REGISTRATION OF MEMBER'S INTERESTS
1. Subject to paragraph 14, you must, within 28 days of—
a) this Code being adopted by or applied to your authority; or
b) your election or appointment to office (where that is later), register in your authority’s register of members’ interests (maintained under section 81(1) of the Local Government Act 2000) details of your personal interests where they fall within a category mentioned in paragraph 1(a) under personal interests, by providing written notification to your authority’s monitoring officer.
2. Subject to paragraph 14, you must, within 28 days of becoming aware of any new personal interest or change to any personal interest registered under paragraph 1, register details of that new personal interest or change by providing written notification to your authority’s monitoring officer.
SENSITIVE INFORMATION
1. Where you consider that the information relating to any of your personal interests is sensitive information, and your authority’s monitoring officer agrees, you need not include that information when registering that interest, or, as the case may be, a change to that interest under paragraph ‘registration of members’ interests’.
2. You must, within 28 days of becoming aware of any change of circumstances which means that information excluded under paragraph 1 is no longer sensitive information, notify your authority’s monitoring officer asking that the information be included in your authority’s register of members’ interests.
3. In this Code, “sensitive information” means information whose availability for inspection by the public creates, or is likely to create, a serious risk that you or a person who lives with you may be subjected to violence or intimidation.
ANNEXURE – THE TEN GENERAL PRINCIPLES - CODES OF CONDUCT
1. Selflessness – Members should serve only the public interest and should never improperly confer an advantage or disadvantage on any person.
2. Honesty and integrity – Members should not place themselves in situations where their honesty and integrity may be questioned, should not behave improperly and should on all occasions avoid the appearance of such behaviour.
3. Objectivity – Members should make decisions on merit, including when making appointments, awarding contracts, or recommending individuals for rewards or benefits.
4. Accountability – Members should be accountable to the public for their actions and the manner in which they carry out their responsibilities, and should co-operate fully and honestly with any scrutiny appropriate to their particular office.
5. Openness – Members should be as open as possible about their actions and those of their authority, and should be prepared to give reasons for those actions.
6. Personal judgement – Members may take account of the views of others, including their political groups, but should reach their own conclusions on the issues before them and act in accordance with those conclusions.
7. Respect for others – Members should promote equality by not discriminating unlawfully against any person, and by treating people with respect, regardless of their race, age, religion, gender, sexual orientation or disability. They should respect the impartiality and integrity of the authority’s statutory officers, and its other employees.
8. Duty to uphold the law – Members should uphold the law and, on all occasions, act in accordance with the trust that the public is entitled to place in them.
9. Stewardship – Members should do whatever they are able to do to ensure that their authorities use their resources prudently and in accordance with the law.
10. Leadership – Members should promote and support these principles by leadership, and by example, and should act in a way that secures or preserves public confidence.
Your
attention is drawn to the The Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Act
2023. Wherein there are new duties to stamp out economic and corporate
crimes. Not providing a beneficial use to a heritage asset,
constitutes fraud, by failing to do something. See Section 4 of
the Fraud
Act 2006. Not identifying land for affordable
housing and self builds, constitutes land fraud, manipulation of
values, and human rights abuses. This is thus, financial slavery on a grand
scale, hence economic corporate crime.
Since the right to occupy a low
cost home is a human
right. As in the right to life, Article 2, the Right to
Life. And Article 3, the prohibition of torture, inhuman or
degrading treatment, and the prohibition of slavery or forced labour.
And and Article 8, the right to a private and family life, free of state
interference.
Clearly,
in not providing a supply of affordable land, Wealden and other councils
are forcing people into inhumane conditions, temporary accommodations
not conducive to a decent family life. While forcing others to work
harder to pay rents to wealthy landlords.
And all because of their negligence. Their inability to part from
Slave Trader, Empire Building thinking.
How long are you going to sit on your hands? The longer
this goes on, the more serious the offence(s). See the: Planning and Infrastructure Act 2025,
enacted on the 18th December 2025.
If
you have information relating to any of these allegations of
impropriety, you can write in confidence to the:
Domestic Corruption Unit
Economic Crime
Directorate
City of London Police Guildhall
Yard
London, EC2V 5AE

BOUNTY
HUNTERS - Any council member, or officer who breaks the law,
is fair game. At the moment WC are trying to charge
ratepayers more for Sussex police to quash discontent, and
to pay for their gargantuan mismanagement and profiteering
from the planning system, presumably as untraceable brown
envelopes: typically, planning favours; allegedly. Years of not building
affordable houses, by pandering to developers and landlords,
who only want
to build executive housing, by way of kleptocratic empire
building, has led to a shortage of low
cost homes. And a staggering bill for temporary
accommodation. The shortsightedness of which constitutes
mind blowing misfeasance in public office, where the cover up,
may well translate to malfeasance. As in criminal
negligence. To date councils like
Wealden have been getting away with it, because when
planning fraud is reported, Sussex police have been covering
it up for them. No wonder we have the Horizon post office fiasco.
Statute in this country is hardly fit for purpose.
WEALDEN
DISTRICT COUNCIL - GREEN
PARTY MEMBERS IN 2023
|

Patricia
Patterson Vanegas
Forest
Row
|

Rachel
Millward
Hartfield
|

Ian
Tysh
Maresfield
|

Alison
Wilson
Arlington
|
|

Graham
Shaw
Buxted
|

Martyn
Everitt
Crowborough
St Johns
|

Christina
Coleman
Danehill
& Fletching
|

Sarah
Glynn-Ives
Frant
& Wadhurst
|
|
|

Cornelie
Usborne
Horam
& Punnetts Town
|

Greg
Collins
Horam
& Punnetts Town
|

Jessika
Hulbert
Withyham |
WEALDEN
DISTRICT COUNCIL - INDEPENDENT
PARTY MEMBERS IN 2023
WEALDEN
DISTRICT COUNCILLORS - LIBERAL PARTY MEMBERS IN 2023

WEALDEN
DISTRICT COUNCILLORS CONSERVATIVE PARTY MEMBERS IN 2023
|

GEOFFREY
DRAPER
CHIDDINGLY
& EAST HOATHLY
|

DAVID
GREAVES
SOUTH
DOWNS
|

RICHARD
GROCOCK
HAILSHAM
WEST
|

JOHANNA
HOWELL
FRANT
& WADHURST
|
|

MICHAEL
LUNN
HADLOW
DOWN & ROTHERFIELD
|

ANNE
NEWTON
FRAMFIELD
- CROSS IN HAND
|

CHRIS
PRIMETT
POLEGATE
CENTRAL
|

DR
BRIAN REDMAN
MAYFIELD
& FIVE ASHES
|
|
|

DANIEL
UPTON
STONES
CROSS
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|

WEALDEN
DISTRICT COUNCILLORS LABOUR PARTY MEMBERS IN 2023
|
|

BEN
COX
UCKFIELD
NEW TOWN
|

DANIEL
MANVELL
UCKFIELD
NORTH
|
|
|
|
|
|
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THE
HIDDEN BARRIERS TO AFFORDABLE HOUSING:
How Local Authority Incentives, Planning Practices, and Council Tax Enforcement Create Structural Hardship for Ordinary Citizens**
Short Executive Summary
This paper explains, in clear and accessible terms, why the UK’s housing system — particularly in regions like
East Sussex — consistently fails to deliver affordable homes,
self-build opportunities, and fair treatment for residents struggling with council tax.
It argues that local authorities operate within a framework of perverse financial incentives that reward them for approving
high-value developer estates while discouraging them from enabling low-cost
self-build housing.
It also highlights how council tax liability orders, issued in bulk through administrative
“non-courts,” undermine the right to a fair hearing and disproportionately harm renters and
low-income households.
Drawing on statutory duties, human-rights principles, and key case law, the paper concludes that the current system is not merely failing — it is structurally designed to produce outcomes that conflict with the public interest, the spirit of the law, and the ethical duties of public office.
1. Introduction — Why This Matters
Across the
United
Kingdom, and particularly in rural and semi-rural districts such as East
Sussex, the housing crisis is not simply a matter of supply and demand. It is the result of a complex web of incentives, statutory duties, and administrative practices that shape how councils behave.
Ordinary people feel the effects every day:
- House prices rising far beyond wages
- Renters facing insecurity and aggressive enforcement
- Young families unable to get onto the housing ladder
- Self-builders promised opportunities that never materialise
This paper aims to explain, in plain English, why the system behaves this way, and how it can be reformed.
2. The Self-Build Register: A Statutory Promise Without Delivery
In 2015, Parliament enacted the Self-build and Custom Housebuilding Act 2015, requiring councils to maintain a register of individuals seeking to build their own homes. The Housing and Planning Act 2016 strengthened this by imposing a duty on councils to grant sufficient planning permissions to meet the demand recorded on the register within a rolling
three-year period.
In theory, this created a pathway for ordinary people to build affordable homes — often at a fraction of the cost of
developer-built housing.
In practice, however, many councils treat the register as a procedural formality rather than a delivery obligation. Applicants sign up, their names are recorded, and then nothing happens. No land is allocated. No serviced plots are offered. No planning policies are adjusted to reflect demand.
The statutory duty to “have regard” to the register becomes a hollow phrase, devoid of practical effect.
This failure is not accidental. It is the predictable outcome of the financial incentives councils operate under.
3. Why Councils Prefer Executive Estates Over Affordable Homes
3.1 Council Tax Bands and Revenue Incentives
Under the Local Government Finance Act 1992, council tax is banded from A to H. Band A homes generate the least revenue; Band D, E, and F homes generate significantly more.
When councils approve planning applications, they are acutely aware that:
- A modest self-build home is likely to fall into Band A or B
- A large developer-built home is likely to fall into Band D–F
This creates a quiet but powerful incentive: approve high-value homes, avoid low‑value ones.
This is not personal corruption. It is institutional self-interest.
3.2 Community Infrastructure Levy (CIL)
Under the Community Infrastructure Levy Regulations 2010, large developers pay substantial sums toward local infrastructure.
Self-builders, however, are exempt under Regulation 54A.
This means:
- A 100-unit developer estate may generate millions in CIL
- A 100-plot self-build allocation generates nothing
Yet councils must provide the same infrastructure — roads, schools, healthcare — regardless of who builds the homes.
Thus, from the council’s perspective:
- Self-build = cost
- Developer estates = revenue
It is no surprise that self-build plots rarely come forward.
4. Human Rights Implications
4.1 Article 8 — Right to Private and Family Life
Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, incorporated into UK law by the Human Rights Act 1998, protects the right to establish and enjoy a home.
When councils systematically:
- Fail to deliver self-build plots
- Approve only high-value housing
- Restrict access to affordable land
- Create structural barriers to home ownership
…they interfere with this right.
The Supreme Court in Manchester CC v Pinnock (2010) confirmed that Article 8 applies to housing decisions made by public authorities.
4.2 Article 2 — Right to Life
Housing precarity can, in extreme cases, engage Article 2. The House of Lords in R (Limbuela) v Secretary of State (2005) held that state action causing destitution may breach Article 3 and engage
Article
2.
Where councils’ systemic failures contribute to homelessness or unsafe living conditions, Article 2 becomes relevant.
4.3 Article 1 Protocol 1 — Peaceful Enjoyment of Possessions
Council tax enforcement, particularly when disproportionate, can interfere with property rights. The proportionality test established in cases such as R (Mott) v Environment Agency (2018) applies here.
5. Fraud Act 2006 — Abuse of Position
Section 4 of the Fraud Act 2006 creates an offence where a person in a position of trust:
- Fails to act
- Dishonestly
- To the detriment of another
- For their own or another’s gain
If a council:
- Operates a statutory register
- Represents that it will “have regard” to demand
- Collects data or fees
- But never intends to deliver plots
- And benefits financially from not doing so
…then the elements of Section 4 may be engaged.
This is not an accusation of individual wrongdoing. It is a question of institutional behaviour.
6. Council Tax Enforcement and the “Non-Court” Problem
Under the Council Tax (Administration and Enforcement) Regulations 1992, councils may apply for liability orders. In practice, these are issued in bulk, often hundreds at a time, in administrative hearings that resemble courts but lack genuine judicial scrutiny.
Residents believe they have a right to a fair hearing. In reality:
- The outcome is predetermined
- The process is largely automated
- There is no meaningful right of appeal
This raises serious concerns under Article 6 of the ECHR (right to a fair trial).
The principle that “justice must be seen to be done,” established in R v Sussex Justices ex parte McCarthy (1924), is not met when liability orders are
rubber-stamped without individual consideration.
7. Ethical Duties and the Nolan Principles
Councillors and officers are bound by the Nolan Principles of public life:
- Selflessness
- Integrity
- Objectivity
- Accountability
- Openness
- Honesty
- Leadership
When decisions are shaped by revenue incentives rather than public need, these principles are compromised.
The case of R v Dytham (1979) established that public officials may be liable for wilful neglect of duty. While this case concerned a police officer, the principle applies broadly: public office carries obligations that cannot be ignored.
8. What Needs to Change
A reformed system would include:
- Mandatory delivery of serviced self-build plots
- Transparent reporting of register demand vs. supply
- Independent oversight of planning decisions
- Reform of liability order procedures
- Genuine appeal rights for council tax disputes
- Removal of financial disincentives for affordable housing
- Stronger enforcement of ethical standards
These are not radical proposals. They are common-sense steps to restore trust.
9. Conclusion — A Call to Integrity
Most councillors and MPs enter public life to serve their communities. This paper is an invitation to honour that calling.
The housing crisis is not inevitable. It is the result of choices — some conscious, some structural — that can be changed.
By understanding the incentives that shape local authority behaviour, we can begin to reform the system so that it works for ordinary people, not against them.
This is not a partisan issue. It is a question of fairness, transparency, and the basic human right to a secure home.
COUNCILLORS
SERVING IN 2017 INTO 2018
Dick Angel
- Kevin Balsdon - Jo Bentley
- John Blake - Bob
Bowdler - Don Broadbent
- Norman Buck - Raymond Cade -
John Carvey
Lin Clark
-
Nicholas Collinson - Nigel Coltman - Ronald Cussons -
Barby Dashwood-Morris
- Dianne Dear
- Phil Dixon - Pam Doodes
Claire Dowling
-
Jan Dunk
- Louise Eastwood - Philip Ede - Helen Firth -
Jonica Fox
- Roy Galley -
Richard Grocock - Chris Hardy
Steve Harms
-
Jim Hollins - Peter Holloway - Johanna Howell -
Toby Illingworth - Stephen Isted - David Larkin -
Andy Long - Michael Lunn
Philip
Lunn - Barry Marlowe -
Nigel McKeeman - Rowena Moore -
Kay Moss - Douglas
Murray - Ann Newton - Ken Ogden
Amanda
O'Rawe - Charles R Peck
- Diane Phillips - Mark Pinkney - Major Antony Quin RM -
Ronald Reed - Dr. Brian Redman
Carol Reynolds -
Greg Rose - Peter Roundell
- William Rutherford -
Daniel Shing
- Oi Lin Shing - Raymond Shing -
Stephen Shing
Angela
Snell - Robert Standley -
Susan Stedman - Rupert
Thornely-Taylor - Roger
Thomas - Bill Tooley - Jeanette Towey -
Chriss Triandafyllou
Peter Waldock
- Neil Waller
- David Watts - Mark Weaver -Graham Wells -
David White - John Wilton

COUNCILLORS
SERVING IN 2006 INTO 2008
Lord Abergavenny
Christina Berry
Bruce Broughton-Tompkins
Don
Broadbent
Frank Brown
Norman Buck
Raymond Cade
Jane Clark Mrs
Ronald Cussons
Nick Ellwood
Dr Ian Haffenden
Steve Harms
Paul Holbrook
Jim Hollins
Pat Kennedy
Margaret Kirkpatrick
David Logan
Mrs Sylvia Martin
Roy Martin
Nigel McKeeman
Linda McKeever
Ian McKirgan
Ian Mein
Anna Monaghan
Laura Murphy
Lynda Myers
The
Lord Newton
Ian Nottage
Niki Oakes
Raymond Parsons
Diane Phillips
Eddie
Powell
Geoff Rowe
Ivy Scarborough
Tony Seabrook
Paul Sparks
Robert Sweetland
Rupert
Thornley-Taylor
Sylvia Tidy
Stuart Towner
Brian West
Alan
Whittaker
Keith Whitehead
COUNCILLORS
SERVING IN 2017 INTO 2018

Councillor Dick Angel
Heathfield
Nth & Cenrl - Cons

Councillor Kevin Balsdon
Pevensey
and Westham - Cons

Councillor Jo Bentley
Hailsham
South and West - Cons

Councillor Bob Bowdler
Heathfield
East - Cons

Councillor Lin Clark
Pevensey
and Westham - Cons
Deputy
Chairman Standards

Councillor Nicholas Collinson
Hailsham
Central & North - Cons
Portfolio
Community Leadership Human Resources

Councillor Nigel Coltman
Hailsham
Central and North - Cons
Chairman
of Licensing

Councillor Dianne Dear
Pevensey
and Westham - Cons
Dep
Chair of Planning South

Councillor Phil Dixon
Rotherfield
- Conservative
Dep
Chair of Audit Finance

Councillor Pam Doodes
Ninfield
& Hooe with Wartling
Conservative
- Vice-Chairman

Councillor Claire Dowling
Uckfield
Central - Cons
Dep
Ldr Public Health Safety

Councillor Jan Dunk
Heathfield
North & Central - Conservative

Councillor Philip Ede
Alfriston
- Conservative

Councillor Helen Firth
Uckfield
New Town - Cons

Councillor Jonica Fox
Cross-in-Hand/
Five Ashes - Conservative

Councillor Roy Galley
Danehill/
Fletching/ Nutley - Cons
Portfolio
Economic Dev & Waste Man

Councillor Richard Grocock
Hailsham
South and West - Cons

Councillor Chris Hardy
Hartfield
- Cons- Chairman
|

Councillor Jim Hollins
Crowborough
West - Cons

Councillor Peter Holloway
Forest
Row - Conservative

Councillor Johanna Howell
Frant/
Withyham - Cons
Ch
Planning North

Councillor Toby Illingworth
Buxted
& Maresfield - Cons

Councillor Stephen Isted
Crowborough
Jarvis Brook - Independent

Councillor Andy Long
Herstmonceux
- Cons

Councillor Michael Lunn
Buxted
& Maresfield - Cons

Councillor Philip Lunn
Crowborough
East - Cons

Councillor Barry Marlowe
Uckfield
Ridgewood - Cons
Dep
Ch Licensing

Councillor Rowena Moore
Forest
Row - Conservative

Councillor Kay Moss
Crowborough
St Johns - Cons
Dep
Chair Overview & Scrutiny

Councillor Douglas Murray
Willingdon
- Conservative

Councillor Ann Newton
Framfield
- Cons
Portfolio
Planning & Dev

Councillor Amanda O'Rawe
Hailsham
East - Conservative

Councillor Mark Pinkney
Hellingly
- Conservative

Councillor Dr Brian Redman
Mayfield
- Conservative
Chairman
of Standards Committee

Councillor Ronald Reed
Crowborough
North - Conservative

Councillor Carol Reynolds
Uckfield
North - Cons
|

Councillor Greg Rose
Crowborough
East - Cons
Chair
Overview & Scrutiny

Councillor Peter Roundell
Danehill/
Fletching/ Nutley - Cons
Chairman
Audit Finance

Councillor William Rutherford
Frant/
Withyham - Cons

Councillor Daniel Shing
Polegate
South - Ind Democrat

Councillor Oi Lin Shing
Polegate
North - Ind Democrat

Councillor Raymond Shing
Willingdon
- Independent Democrat

Councillor Stephen Shing
Willingdon
- Independent Democrat

Councillor Angela Snell
Polegate
North - Conservative

Councillor Robert Standley
Wadhurst
- Conservative
Leader
of the Council

Councillor Susan Stedman
Horam
- Conservative
Chair
Planning South

Councillor Roger Thomas
Heathfield
North & Central - Cons

Councillor Jeannette Towey
Crowborough
West - Cons

Councillor Chriss Triandafyllou
Hailsham
South and West - Cons

Councillor Peter Waldock
Uckfield
North - Cons

Councillor Neil Waller
Crowborough
North - Cons
Dep
Chair Planning North

Councillor David Watts
Chiddingly
& East Hoathly - Cons

Councillor Graham Wells
Wadhurst
- Cons
Portfolio
Housing & Benefits

Councillor David White
Hellingly
- Independent

Councillor John Wilton
East
Dean - Conservative
|

COUNCILLORS
SERVING IN 2006 - 2010
|
Councillor Lord Abergavenny
Frant/Withyham
Conservative

Councillor
Raymond Cade
Councillor Mrs Christina Berry
Polegate
North
Liberal
Democrat
Cllr Bruce Broughton-Tompkins
Crowborough
St Johns Cons
Councillor Frank Brown
Danehill/Fletching/Nutley
Cons
Councillor Norman Buck
Buxted
& Maresfield
Cons
Deputy
Leader Cabinet Portfolio Holder for Change Management
Councillor Mrs Jane Clark
Crowborough
East
Liberal
Democrat
Chairman
Select Committee

Councillor
Ronald Cussons
Councillor Nick Ellwood
Hailsham
South and West
Wealden
Independent
Leader,
Wealden Independent Group
Councillor Dr Ian Haffenden
Hailsham
South and West
Wealden
Independent

Councillor
Steve Harms
Councillor Paul Holbrook
Hailsham
Central and North
Liberal
Democrat
Councillor Jim Hollins
Hartfield
Conservative
Deputy
Chairman, Environment Scrutiny Committee; Chairman Liquor &
Entertainments Licensing Committee
Councillor Mrs Pat Kennedy
Buxted
& Maresfield
Conservative
Chairman
of the Council
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Cllr Mrs Margaret Kirkpatrick
Heathfield
North & Central
Conservative
Cab
Port Holder Housing
& Community Development
Councillor David Logan
Rotherfield
Conservative
Cabinet
Portfolio Holder Finance & Assets
Councillor Mrs Sylvia Martin
Danehill/Fletching/Nutley
Conservative
Dep
Chairman
Select Committee
Councillor Roy Martin
Polegate
North Liberal
Democrat
Deputy
Chairman Dev Ctrl
South Sub-Committee

Councillor
Nigel McKeeman
Councillor Mrs Linda McKeever
Pevensey
and Westham
Conservative
Councillor Ian McKirgan
Crowborough
Jarvis Brook
Wealden
Independent
Councillor Ian Mein
Crowborough
East
Lib
Dem Vice
Chairman and
Deputy
Chair Dev Nth Sub-Com
Councillor Mrs Anna Monaghan
Wadhurst
Conservative
Councillor Mrs Laura Murphy
Hailsham
Central and North
Leader
of the Liberal
Democrat Group
Councillor Mrs Lynda Myers
Frant/Withyham
Conservative
Deputy
Chairman
Regulatory Committee
Councillor Ian Nottage
Uckfield
Liberal
Democrat
Dep
Chair Liquor and
Entertainments Licensing
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Councillor Mrs Niki Oakes
Heathfield
North & Central
Conservative
Councillor Raymond Parsons
Forest
Row
Conservative
Cabinet
Portfolio Holder for Corporate Services and Chair Personnel
Committee
Councillor Mrs Diane Phillips
Crowborough
West
Conservative
Chairman
Community Scrutiny Committee
Councillor Geoff Rowe
Hailsham
South and West
Wealden
Independent
Councillor Mrs Ivy Scarborough
Polegate
South
Wealden
Independent
Councillor Tony Seabrook
Willingdon
Liberal
Democrat
Deputy
Chairman Community Scrutiny Committee
Councillor Paul Sparks
Uckfield
North
Liberal
Democrat
Deputy
Chairman Internal Scrutiny Committee
Councillor Robert Sweetland
Uckfield
Ridgewood
Liberal
Democrat
Councillor Mrs Sylvia Tidy
Chiddingly
& East Hoathly
Conservative

Councillor
Stuart Towner
Councillor Brian West
East
Dean
Conservative
Councillor Keith Whitehead
Alfriston
Conservative
Cabinet
Portfolio Holder for Sustainable Development &

Rupert
Thornley-Taylor
Conservative
- Former
Leader
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RED
SKY AT NIGHT - A view looking
from Herstmonceux Museum in East Sussex toward the village. A classic
sunset of which we hope there will be many more.
The old Generating
Station just outside the village envelope of Herstmonceux, once
provided electricity to the whole village. The industrial complex is a
contender as a UNESCO
World
Heritage Site, as the only surviving early example anywhere in the
world, where battery storage was used for load-levelling. A feature some
125 years ahead of its time. Under the Conservatives, Wealden
District Council kept this heritage asset deprived of any reasonable
or beneficial use, by way of a deliberate agenda of attrition - contrary
to their Duty of Care - to protect the historic built environment. Copyright
photograph June 2017 all rights
reserved Lime
Park Heritage Trust. For
years near
neighbours in Lime Park denied the history of this building,
engaging in slanderous character assassination, with WDC, helping Peter
and June Townley, and Henry
Arnell (trading as Lime Park Estate Ltd) to acquire the historical
premises at an undervalue, by refusing to accept the history attaching
to the buildings. Procurement to order, to effect a change of ownership
is illegal. Isn't it about time councillors with higher standards told the truth?
The Infrastructure Illusion: Where Do Housing Levies Really Go?
By Our Investigative Team
As UK councils rapidly approve planning permissions, often overriding environmental concerns, they collect hundreds of millions in developer contributions intended to fund the necessary support systems—roads, schools, and health facilities—that new communities require. Yet, for many residents moving into these freshly minted estates, the promised infrastructure is little more than an illusion.
The system designed to mitigate the strain of growth is failing its purpose, leaving existing villages overwhelmed and new residents paying premium house prices for substandard public services.
The CIL Honeypot and the Public Deficit
The primary mechanisms for funding supporting infrastructure are the Community Infrastructure Levy (CIL) and Section 106 Agreements. CIL is theoretically calculated to offset the cumulative impact of development, providing funds for strategic projects (roads, flood defenses, schools), while Section 106 deals fund specific, localized mitigation.
Councils are eager to collect this revenue, as it provides an immediate, substantial injection of cash. However, the application of these funds often reveals a disturbing pattern of financial triage, rather than strategic investment.
The reality on the ground highlights the consequences:
- Road Degradation: Already overloaded 'A' and 'B' roads, designed for smaller villages and less traffic density, rapidly deteriorate under the pressure of construction vehicles and the daily commuter load of thousands of new residents. Potholes proliferate, and formerly minor routes become dangerous obstacles.
- Healthcare Collapse: Doctors' surgeries and local medical centers, often operating at capacity before the new estates are built, buckle under the sudden increase in patient lists, leading to impossible waiting times and diminishing care quality.
- School Overcrowding: Existing schools are forced to take on immediate overflow, leading to crowded classrooms, boundary disputes, and delayed plans for new educational facilities.
- Drainage Disaster: Drainage systems, engineered decades ago for low-density settlements, are overwhelmed by the increased hard-standing surface area and runoff from new estates. Even moderate downpours now trigger localized, destructive flooding.
The Pensions Black Hole: Diverting the Development Dividend
A key concern raised by residents and local policy analysts is the apparent diversion of CIL funds away from direct infrastructure projects and toward plugging critical council budget deficits. Many local authorities grapple with significant financial burdens, chief among them being pension funding gaps and social care costs.
While CIL rules technically mandate that the levy must be spent on "infrastructure," the definition of this term can be vague, and funds can be used indirectly to free up general funds for other, more immediate (and politically painful) deficits. The public perception is clear: the money paid by developers, intended to build new roads and schools, is instead sinking into the council’s internal pensions black hole or sustaining core services that should be funded through central government grants or council tax.
This financial sleight of hand creates a vicious cycle: councils gain a temporary financial reprieve, but the actual physical infrastructure deficit continues to widen, undermining the long-term viability of the new communities they approved.
The Broken Promise to New Residents
For homebuyers, this failure is a profound betrayal of value. House prices in new estates are often set at a premium, based on the assumption that the accompanying facilities—new roads, adequate drainage, and modern schools—will be commensurate with the investment.
When new residents discover that their commute is hampered by gridlock, their children cannot get into the local primary school, or their garden is prone to flooding due to overwhelmed Victorian-era pipes, the perceived value of their home plummets. They have paid for a promise of improved community living that the council never delivered.
This mismatch between house price and practical amenity fuels citizen cynicism, cementing the belief that the planning process is less about sustainable growth and more about short-term transactional revenue generation for struggling local authorities.
A Call for Transparency and Enforcement
If the CIL system is to retain any public trust, a radical increase in transparency is required. Councils must be compelled to:
1. Ring-Fence CIL Funds: Ensure CIL revenues are strictly ring-fenced and accounted for against clearly defined, large-scale infrastructure projects, with zero leakage to general fund deficits.
2. Report Detailed Spending: Provide annual, publicly accessible reports detailing every penny of CIL and Section 106 expenditure, allowing residents to easily track where contributions from their specific development have been allocated.
3. Synchronize Delivery: Mandate that key infrastructure (schools, primary road upgrades, and enhanced drainage) must be demonstrably under construction or nearing completion before the final phase of houses can be sold and occupied.
Without such measures, the UK’s housing expansion will continue to be built on a foundation of structural and financial neglect, permanently jeopardizing the quality of life for millions of new homeowners

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